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June 17, 2008

Open Letter to MacLean's magazine

Open Letter to MacLean's magazine: June 17

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Macleans_medicine

Dear MacLean's,

I just read your recent eNews from your mail list. Our school library prides itself in open and objective access to information for all patrons. We read your Universities edition every year. Despite the occasional statistical flaws, we usually buy extra copies for our faculty, parents and Gr.12 students. My current concern is not your special edition but rather the pattern of journalism recently displayed since the fall 2007.

As a high school library in Canada, we always try hard to purchase Canadian content; however, recent editions of MacLean's has disgruntled so many patrons, we are considering canceling our subscription. Despite your efforts to engage education markets with projects, initiatives, and free access, the 'shock and fear' theme represented by your recent covers is deteriorating the educational value of your periodical. Experienced readers may be able to filter out the obvious marketing ploy but teens are not so critical.

As an experienced librarian, I have used MacLean's content as a support resource for many courses but lately MacLean's is so gratuitous in 'fear culture' in an apparent effort to sell issues, we will be soon using your periodical as an example of journalistic hyperbole and debatable integrity. Rather than the objective and well written publication, that provided canadian content of integrity, we are now having to teach students to 'filter' out the 'pulp fiction'.

We may as well be reading Newsweek or the New York Times! Please forward this feedback to your editorial team.

In the spirit of national pride and fair selections and acquisitions, our school library will subscribe for one more year- as a period of grace. We hope to see improvement in the reliable Canadian news digest we once cherished! Feel free to respond to our concerns.

sincerely,

Al Smith
Kelowna

April 13, 2008

Learning About Literacy

Learning About Literacy , By Fisher, Peter

TEACH A CHILD WHAT EACH LETTER STANDS FOR AND HE CAN READ. - FLESCH (1955, PP. 2-3) It has been more than 50 years since Rudolf Flesch's book Why Johnny Can't Read (1955) was a bestseller. Flesch argued that schools were not teaching children to read, and he railed against the whole-word method, which he saw as being dominant in schools. Given his experience of teaching a child to read, he advocated the use of phonics. Since then, some of the same arguments for using phonics are repeated in the press, and disagreements about teaching reading have been characterized as the phonics wars. This article does not attempt to argue for or against the teaching of phonics, but it does try to present the dispute in relation to many aspects of the teaching of reading that go far beyond children's decoding ability. It attempts to do so through a look at some of the theories and practices advocated in the last 50 years. Before addressing phonics, however, we need to examine the concept of emergent literacy.

EMERGENT LITERACY

Dolores Durkin wanted to find out what it was that enabled some children to come to school already able to read. Her book Children Who Read Early (1966) paved the way for much of the later research in what came to be known as emergent literacy. She found that, among other behaviors, these children engaged in pretend reading and writing and had parents or caretakers who read to them. The basic tenet of this theoretical perspective is that learning to read does not begin at a particular age or developmental stage but that various behaviors lead to an emergent understanding of the process of reading. For example, young children may pretend to read a familiar book, making up a story by attending to the pictures.

Work by Sulzby (1985) and her associates demonstrated that there are several stages that children go through-from pretending to read, to refusing to read, to attending to the graphic information on a page. Read's work (1971) on developmental, or invented, spelling showed that there are stages in children's writing that reveal a growing exploration of the alphabetic principle that underlies the print system, from pretend writing (through using letters to represent sounds in words), to using letters to represent all sounds in a word, to almost-correct spelling and the use of spelling rules. Marie clay's work (1979) showed how students develop book knowledge (where to begin reading, what a word is, etc.). Over the years, various researchers have looked at children's emergent literacy in a variety of settings and with a variety of children. What has become apparent is that children's exposure to print in the environment and at home influences what they learn about reading and writing and that we can expect certain behaviors to be apparent as children learn to read. Reading books to children is clearly one of the most important aspects of helping this emergent literacy, but another important aspect that has received considerable attention is phonemic awareness, which we now understand is a precursor to understanding phonics.

PHONICS AND EARLY READING

Phonemic awareness is the ability to segment a spoken word into its constituent sounds. The National Reading Panel (2000) suggested that students are typically able to do this after about 12 hours of instruction. The panel also pointed out that phonemic awareness is a part of phonological awareness-the latter including knowing and making rhymes, alliterations, and the like. The distinction may be more important in theory than in practice; that is, most teachers would not consider teaching one without the other. It is sufficient to recognize that phonemic awareness is important in the process of learning to read and write because it is hard to assign a sound to a symbol unless one can hear it as a separate sound in a word. If you have seen students who write using invented spelling, you know that phonemic awareness is part of what they do as they stretch out a word and try to put a letter for each sound that they hear. In fact, invented spelling is an exploration of written symbols in language and, as such, can be characterized as phonics instruction.

Perhaps it is most important to clarify what most educators believe about phonics instruction: that the debate is not phonics- or-no-phonics; more so, it is what type of phonics instruction, how much, and when. Flesch (1955) argued for synthetic phonics-that is, teaching the students sound-symbol correspondences and then have them put the sounds together. Children in this system, for example, learn the sounds for c, a, and t and then synthesize them to make the word cot. In contrast, analytic phonics suggests teaching the students the word cot and then breaking the word down into its constituent sounds and demonstrating the correspondence to the letters and symbols. Most teachers, being pragmatists, do some combination of analytic and synthetic phonics.

In the 1960s and 1970s, there was a disagreement in education about the appropriate materials to use when teaching early reading. The old Dick and Jane readers and similar basais of the period used a controlled vocabulary. Students learned words in isolation before seeing them in context, thereby supposedly ensuring a successful reading experience. They could use analytic phonics to decode words that were problematic. Some contrasting materials that lent themselves to synthetic phonics provided practice in the phonic elements that the students were learning. The former materials have been demonized with examples like Wo, Spot. No! The latter have critics who mock constructions such as Can Nan Fan Dan? Although these criticisms have been overblown-either system produces fairly natural-looking text in materials used at the end of first grade- there was an educational movement in the 198Os that argued for the use of real children's books. The whole-language movement believed that by exposing students to real text in real books, children could acquire literacy skills in much the same way as they acquire speaking skills. As with most movements, there were purists who saw anything that approached phonics instruction in this context as an anathema, and there were those who adopted some version of the approach, especially because it blended well with a renewed emphasis on writing using writing process and writing workshop (1 return to this later). Nevertheless, there is some research in early reading that is hard to ignore. .....

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Copyright Ken Haycock & Associates Feb 2008

(c) 2008 Teacher Librarian. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.

March 31, 2008

Failure to Fail

 

Failure to Fail

Why are students no longer flunking university? Is it their brains, or their wallets?

by Jay Teitel

http://www.walrusmagazine.com/print/2008.04-education-academic-failure-to-fail-jay-teitel/ 

My son, our middle child, graduated from McGill University recently, and one day just before the ceremony, when we were sitting down to breakfast, he started regaling me with tales of university idleness and duplicity. His alma mater's reputation as the "Harvard of the North" was somewhat dubious, he pointed out, given how easy it was for a shrewd student (not him, of course) to wrangle accommodations from profs there — to procure extensions for essays, to retake tests, to basically get by. It wasn't the first time he'd talked about the subject, and, boys being boys, soon we'd come up with an idea for a reality show called The Bum's B. A.

The Bum's B. A worked like this: four students (preferably male) share an apartment on campus and compete to see who can do the least work possible and still pass his year. Independent observers would tabulate relative idleness; hidden cameras would make sure no secret cramming was going on. Other subtleties: any efforts in pursuit of academic success would count against you, but not labour in pursuit of idleness — e.g., if you borrowed "a girl's notes," the reading of those notes would count as actual work, but the borrowing wouldn't. Plus you could recoup the studying penalty by going to a movie, say, or getting drunk the night before an exam. The more we talked, the more enthusiastic we got.

"We can't do it till I graduate, though," my son said. "No, till they mail me my diploma."

The university would have to be in on it, of course, I said. As a kind of sociology experiment.

He gave me a look. He was right, I conceded; if they knew, they'd probably just flunk out everybody in the apartment.

His look grew stranger. "What are you talking about? Nobody flunks out at McGill."

I wasn't sure I'd heard him right. "Come again?"

"I don't know anybody who's ever flunked out of McGill. Dropped out, sure, but not flunked out. They don't let you flunk. They put you on probation, or give you extra time, or let you take your degree in six years instead of four. I know one guy who took seven years. That's even better for them — more money."

"But why would a university do that?"

"The tuition money and the government funding. Plus they've got a ton of students coming from the States they make a fortune from. They don't want them thinking there's a risk that they'll get thrown out if they fail."

"But I thought the whole thing with McGill was the high standards," I said. (I may have been getting shrill.) "How hard it was to get into."

"Right. Hard to get into. Harder to get kicked out of." He looked at me. "Seriously, I can't think of anyone who ever flunked out."

Breakfast and the conversation frittered away at that point, but I couldn't shake the sense of scandal. It wasn't just that this derailed our reality show (if nobody flunked, how could you pick a winner? ), or the thousands of dollars we'd spent ourselves sending him to the "Harvard of the North." It was the larger principle involved. If it was impossible to fail, what did passing amount to?

ot that I was an innocent. I'd read Ivory Tower Blues, by James Côté and Anton Allahar, two professors at the University of Western Ontario who had chronicled what they dubbed the crisis of "credentialism" at Canadian and American schools. They'd argued that the new sense of entitlement among undergraduates, unchallenged by college administrations, had resulted in a proliferation of empty degrees, inflated grades, and professors cowed by student evaluations (not to mention calls from parents and threatened lawsuits) into easy marking and buying cheese Danishes for their classes. I knew about David Weale, the University of Prince Edward Island history prof who, facing an overcrowded class, had promised students a 70 percent grade if they agreed not to show up or do any coursework at all. (Weale had twenty takers, and was subsequently "asked" to resign by the upei administration.) I knew that Côté himself had tried the same experiment at Western and found that guaranteeing students a mark of 80 percent was enough to convince virtually his whole class to walk out. And I was aware that these stories were viewed as symptoms of something deeper in the culture — a reluctance to judge today's students negatively, to have them fail, which meant that they were being "deprived" of an important life lesson in dealing with the kind of setbacks they would eventually have to face. But I'd always thought that all this breast-beating over the "failure to fail" was largely metaphorical. I never thought it meant no one flunked out anymore.

The next morning, I sent out a simple query to every person under thirty on my email list, some fifty people: did they know anyone, or know anyone who knew anyone, out of all the students enrolled in Canadian universities (815,000 in total) who had ever flunked out? By that afternoon, I had nine answers, all remarkably consistent. The first came from the son of a friend, who had graduated from the University of Manitoba the year before and was now living in Winnipeg with a fellow graduate. "Shannon and I are stumped. It's weird. No one comes to mind right away. We'll ask around and let you know if we can find anyone." The second email was from a fourth-year phys. ed. student at Waterloo. "At lunch I told a lot of my friends about your email. We all know kids who have taken extra time to graduate, and who have goofed off to the point of doing zero work, and of course some who've dropped out. But nobody who was actually told to leave." The third email was from my niece, a third-year psychology major at York University: "It is very difficult to get kicked out of university. They put you on academic probation and continue to take your money. I do know one kid who took off a year because of the situation. But he didn't flunk out."

At which point I started talking to people.

I spoke first with William Barker, president of King's College in Halifax. King's — officially the University of King's College — is a tiny, largely autonomous institution tucked into a corner of Dalhousie University. If there is a Harvard of the North, it's more likely King's than McGill — although a better analogy would be a cross between Harry Potter's Hogwarts and Camp Wanapitei in Muskoka. With their registration packages, freshmen receive a black academic gown, which they all wear to monthly formal meals, complete with candlelit tables and pipers.

"Oh, sure, students still flunk out," Barker told me in the living room of the president's residence, which adjoins the Edwardian main administration building. (I was wearing cargo shorts and a T shirt; typical of King's, he was dressed the same.) "It might be rarer, and there's a process they go through, academic probation, etc. But you can still flunk out."

Out of his school, specifically, kids flunked out?

"Uh-huh. I think what you're encountering is the increased rarity of it, particularly in an institution like this, which reflects a change in thinking when it comes to student admissions. Twenty years ago, the idea in Canadian schools was, we'll take in a huge student body, because we don't know what's out there, and then we'll just get rid of a third of them — you know, the old 'look to your left, look to your right' idea.

"I know exactly what he means, because exactly that direction was given in my own first political science class, at Convocation Hall at the University of Toronto, back in the dark ages. Our professor told us to look to either side of us, then to imagine one of those students not being there in a year — a certainty. He said it with a detached smugness, making it that much more ominous, I remember, but also kind of thrilling. To the miasma of books and sex that was higher education was added the tantalizing possibility of doom.

"That model doesn't hold anymore, certainly not at schools like ours, or McGill or U of T or
ubc ," said Barker. "We're taking in students with quite high high school averages — our average here for first year is 87 percent — and to see someone like that approach failing, which is rare in the first place, the question becomes, what went wrong? What you're calling an unwillingness to fail people is a function of the fact that the system is set up today not to take in people you would normally think of as risks to fail out. So when it happens, the institution has to ask itself, what did we do wrong? Or where did we make the wrong choice?"

But in the majority of emails I'd been getting from current students and recent grads, I pointed out, the perception was that money was the main reason universities weren't flunking kids out: the schools needed to retain both tuition fees and government funding to stay economically viable. Were they all mistaken?"

It could look as though in Canadian universities, which are largely government funded, the rarity of failure is a gambit to keep students in the system. But it doesn't hold for us. I went to Dartmouth in the US. I always remember, when I failed chemistry in my first year, the sense of shock that went through the entire system. How could this student, who had gotten in with decent enough marks, have failed in a system that was set up to take him and bring him forward? Dartmouth certainly wasn't concerned about losing tuition fees . . . but to flunk a student out meant that it had miscalculated. It meant admitting that the admissions process was flawed — and so was Dartmouth's notion of itself.

"It has an epistemological ring to it: the argument from institutional pride. But what about Côté and Allahar's charge that the failure to fail kids resulted in part from the influence of student evaluations of professors, which were now de rigueur? What about pressure from independent student scorecards, such as ratemyprofessor.com? Wasn't it possible, I asked Barker, that professors looking for tenure became lenient with marks because they didn't want to risk negative assessments from students?

He crossed one sandalled foot over the other. "First, concerning Côté and Allahar's book, one of those comes out every other year. The last one for Canada was No Place to Learn, by Allan Tupper and Tom Pocklington. They looked at how much evaluations mattered, particularly in universities where everyone gets 75 percent or higher. And these schools exist. I'd have to say that student teaching evaluations do not yet play an overwhelmingly significant role in such matters as promotion of professors. It's part of the whole package, but, especially in the bigger research institutions, it's research that's important. I don't think evaluations are enough to jeopardize a career, but a terrible evaluation early on will sink someone."

So the fact that I can't find anyone who flunked out of school has nothing to do with, say, student evaluations?

"I can't see it."

And students do flunk out?

"Definitely."

I still don't buy it.

I should clarify. I buy what Barker says when it comes to his school. And as far as his description of the much smaller turnover in today's universities in general goes, compared with the weeding-out systems of the past, the facts support his analysis. At three of Canada's top universities, McGill, U of T, and ubc, the return rate from first to second year in arts and science courses averages 90 percent, meaning only 10 percent of students don't show up for classes in second year. But that still doesn't mean that 10 percent of freshmen flunk out or even drop out — anything but.

"To try to equate retention rates with failure rates is to compare two things that don't compare," says U of T registrar Karel Swift. "All we know is that 10 percent of students from first year don't show up, because they don't want to; they don't complete enough courses and decide to do a different program; they reduce their course load to something other than what we think of as full time; or they transfer institutions altogether. There's no way to measure who's come from where or who's where at a given time. Same with our graduation rates, which after six years hover around 75 percent. The other 25 percent could be failing to finish their degrees — or finishing them somewhere else, which is more likely."

More important, adds Swift, when administrators say "flunk out," it's not a simple concept. "In the old days, you could be unsuccessful in a year and be asked to leave. Today the policies and procedures for a student in academic difficulty are quite different."

The process today at U of T when someone is academically floundering (a similar progression exists at most Canadian universities) is arcane enough to qualify for its own postgrad course. This is partly because it is predicated on marks, and marks are no longer what they once were. Three decades ago, marking systems at Canadian universities were Canadian and/or British derived — the familiar A, B, C, or percentages, 80, 70, 60 — but today those marks have been translated into the four-point American grade point average. The best reason I can find for the switch is that it was intended to promote a uniform continental standard, the same reason given for getting rid of Grade 13 in Ontario, or holding campus-sanctioned events where eighteen-year-olds get so drunk they need puke suits. To be fair, in some cases the change in marking scales was salutary: until 2005, when the University of Alberta switched to the four-point system, it used a nine-point system, in which the nine marks stood for, in descending order: superior, excellent, very good, good, fair, pass, fail, fail, and fail. "There used to be three ways to fail," says Heather Zwicker, a professor in the Department of English and Film Studies at U of A: " 'You failed,' 'You failed, asshole,' or 'You never had a chance.' Two, you'll note, was the most spiteful grade."

The now-universal four-point system roughly equates to A, B, C, D in the old system. Hypothetically, the road to flunking out at U of T entails navigating the four-point system this way: for a student to have his or her standing assessed in the Faculty of Arts and Science, the student must complete four courses within the space of twelve months. To avoid academic probation, the student's grade point average in those four courses must be 1.5 or higher. Since 1.0 is a D, to avoid probation you have to be averaging a D+ or higher. Or a C– or higher (only an American knows which for sure). If you average less than 1.5, you're on probation; this means that when you come back the next year you have to average slightly higher, a 1.7 (C not-so-minus), to get back into "good standing." If, however, you fail to hit 1.7, you can, can, be suspended for a year. It's possible for this entire process to be repeated three times — three probations, three suspensions — at the end of which a student may, may, be refused future registration, i.e., may flunk out.

The catch is the can. Concedes Swift, "It's very rare" — rare and fleeting. If the university regularly loses track of 3,000 students, the 25 percent who may or may not be graduating elsewhere every year, how am I supposed to find the one hopeless loser who failed?

The reason I don't completely buy Barker's arguments is that King's College is an exception, and the kind of resistance to the forces of cultural cynicism you can observe there don't extend to the system at large. In the following weeks, as I talk to more people from that system — as the bemused, apologetic emails trickle in ("I know this guy who sort of got kicked out, but no, maybe he left on his own . . . Yeah, he was pretty stoned all the time, too . . ." ) — it becomes evident there is a weird sort of disconnect going on. On the subject of whether funding and student's professor evaluations might play a role in grade inflation and leniency, the administrators deny that these factors have a significant impact, while the professors categorically suggest that they do.

Here's what Walter Sudmant, director of planning and institutional research at
ubc, has to say, for instance, about the insidious effects of student evaluations: "There's a fair bit of evidence, from studies in the US, that the notion that students give better evaluations to teachers who are easier markers isn't accurate. Independent observers in classrooms tend to match student evaluations, and there's no correlation between the difficulty of a course and student evaluations, which staff worry about. What students really appear to be grading is whether they have learned things from the professor. By and large, our students at ubc are here to learn. Students recognize that if everyone got good grades, those good grades wouldn't be as meaningful."
contunued.....
( Walrus)

 Published April 2008

Jay Teitel was an editor at Toro and Saturday Night and is the winner of fourteen National Magazine Awards. He co-invented Therapy the Game, now available in Canada.

  

January 13, 2008

VSB Teachers’ Professional Library

Complete Article: Winter 2008 :http://www.bctf.ca/psas/BCTLA/

The VSB Teachers’ Professional Library, 1913-1984
by Ken Haycock


The Vancouver School Board’s Teachers’ Professional Library had its beginnings at the same time as the beginnings of school libraries. In 1913 the municipal inspector for schools suggested at a meeting of the Vancouver School Principals’ Association (VSPA) that a community room be established for teachers, and available for principal meetings arranged at the Vancouver School Board (VSB); consequently, a small room was assigned. In 1914 the regular meeting of the VSPA was held in the Teachers’ Room at the Board Office. In 1917, recommendations of principals were included in a report from the Committee of the Whole to the Vancouver School Board. It was stated: “...that a Special Teachers’ Library, containing the latest books and magazines on educational questions be provided either by the School Board or as a Department of the Carnegie Library.”

   

The origin of a professional library for teachers dates to principals who were determined to have such a library to support a study group of principals to discuss new educational developments. The Study Group began the Teachers’ Professional Library in the Carnegie Public Library; each member donated ten dollars to buy books and magazines. Later that year the Vancouver School Board and its teachers gave financial support to the reference library

In 1920 the Board declined to assist financially and a five-dollar levy was made on each member of the VSPA to purchase books. In 1921, a large room in the School Board offices was turned over to teachers for a community room and a teachers’ library. While the principals managed the affairs of the professional library, the Community Room and its library were for the use of all teachers. The VSPA contributed five dollars per member for ten years. The supervisors contributed two dollars per member and the teachers a dollar annually. By October 1921 books and magazines were placed for circulation in the Teachers’ Library.

Financial assistance was forthcoming from the School Board in 1921 to buy two hundred and fifty books for the new Community Room. By 1922 the Community Room was open Monday and Thursday from 3:45 - 5:00 p.m. The library was re-named the Vancouver School Board Teachers’ Library.
Professional staff was engaged for the Library in 1921. By 1928, the Community Room became a centre for meetings of teacher organizations and its library materials were well used. In seven years, the library had acquired 2100 volumes.The VSB had given a grant for several years to the Teachers’ Library. The 1939 grant was $350 of which the principals who supervised the library received $100 and $250 was to purchase books and magazines.  The VSB later assumed responsibility for the librarian’s salary for the Teachers’ Library and the teachers assumed the responsibility for the books and magazines. The name of the library was changed to Vancouver School Principals’ Association Community Library.
The professional library kept teachers informed about the latest developments in educational thought. The professional collection grew to 6,000 volumes with open hours six days a week. The Teachers’ Library not only served Vancouver teachers, but it reached out to schools outside the district such as North Vancouver, West Vancouver, Port Moody, Chilliwack, and Cloverdale and to teachers in private schools.
In 1950, the professional library changed its name once again to the Vancouver Teachers’ Professional Library. The fee structure was changed from a system of voluntary fees collected by the Staff Representatives in the schools, to a $1. levy, which was included in the fees for the elementary teachers, secondary teachers and principals’ associations.

In 1960, the statistics for the Teachers’ Professional Library were 12,165 volumes with 61 journal subscriptions. More than 7,000 items were circulated.
The TPL marked its 40th anniversary in 1961. The Professional Library was administered by a committee of teachers chaired by a principal under the sponsorship of the Superintendent. It was believed that this organization of a professional library by teachers themselves with the cooperation of the School Board was unique in Canada, the United States and Great Britain.

In 1966, the Teachers’ Professional Library moved to the lower floor of Shaughnessy Elementary School. Later, the Library Services Department and the TPL moved to the Vancouver Community College, Langara Campus and finally in the 1970s, the TPL moved to the two portables at the Teachers’ Centre.
In 1977 responsibility for the Teachers’ Professional Library was transferred from the Professional Development Division of the VSB to Library Services. In reorganization a full-time trained library technician was hired. Two hundred professional journal titles and six hundred book titles were added .

Additional funds for the Library were included in the 1982 budget and the VSB assumed full responsibility for its operation. The TPL began to coordinate purchase and distribution of journals for school officials and coordinators as well as a content page service. The Library issued a number of annotated subject bibliographies at the request of the district staff, administrators and teachers. A beginning demonstration collection for French Immersion was also established.

In 1982 the Library had 2,036 borrowers and circulated 10, 282 items. More than 65% of the use of the TPL by this time was by telephone.
The Teachers’ Professional Library was overseen by the Manager of Library Services and managed by a library technician. It provided valuable support to more than two thousand teachers and administrators pursuing both formal and informal professional development as educators.

Complete Bookmark Article:  http://www.bctf.ca/psas/BCTLA/

 



 

 

 

School Libraries in Vancouver

Complete Article in the Bookmark
School Libraries in Vancouver 

  Ken_small_rim_3

 

Factors Affecting Development  - Ken Haycock

                   

The development of school libraries in Vancouver to the end of the twentieth century is a tribute to the commitment of parents, teachers, school principals, senior administrators and trustees, working together to provide leadership to foster inquiry and individualized student learning. The province continually provided policy direction and targeted funding to undergird this development. To ensure improved student learning and increased achievement, teacher-librarians sought additional qualifications, clear role expectations and collaborative partnerships with each of these groups.   Throughout the period, core elements emerged for a successful program. These elements reflect that same leadership and commitment from these partner groups.
Toward the end of the twentieth century, these core elements began to unravel and support subsequently declined


Beginning with the materials… 1911-1939
n 1911 the Vancouver School Board’s senior Management Committee recommended to the Board that library books be ordered for schools on the principals’ requisition, the dollar figure was given in a circular letter. In 1913 elementary schools were allocated $50 and secondary schools $100 to purchase reference books in each school. In 1918 the Management Committee recommended that the Board make an effort to place different sets of library books in schools to allow for a book exchange within the system. The Committee also recommended that principals and teachers be instructed to encourage their pupils to read library books. In order to encourage use, the Committee recommended that a teacher in each school be appointed as “librarian”.

In 1919 these school librarians prepared a full report on book totals and the condition of library books in the school. In addition, the librarian was responsible for ensuring that books were covered with stout paper; one book was borrowed at a time; no books were borrowed during vacations; books were locked away when not on loan; five cents was collected per week for overdue books; families with an infectious disease were not to return borrowed books but charged the cost of the book; in addition, a reference dictionary was being kept outside the library and pupils above the junior grade level were becoming accustomed to using the dictionary. These duties were incorporated in the provincial manual of school law and regulations.
Provincial legislation was also passed in 1919 to provide a grant for library books. The Department of Education gave permission to each school district to purchase library books at $.50 per student, “not to exceed” $5 per school, on the condition that the local district contributed a matching sum. At that time the Superintendent of Education had the power to approve purchase of school library books. In Vancouver, however, the Management Committee recommended that the selection of books for school libraries be left to individual principals.
Total library book expenditures for elementary schools was $500 in 1919, $1125 in 1922, $1200 in 1924 and 1926; and for secondary schools, $1,000 in 1919, $1,350 in 1922, $1,400 in 1924 and $1,600 in 1926. By 1925 it was noted, however, that secondary school library books were locked in cupboards. The School Board recommended in 1920 that a special provision of $200 be made in the estimates for a library in the new Kitsilano High School, as the Parent-Teachers’ Association had previously requested.
In 1922 the Board approved small libraries for primary students

In 1925 George Weir and Harold Putman conducted a study of British Columbia schools and invited Edgar Robinson, Director of the Vancouver Public Library to enclose a report about Vancouver’s school libraries, in which he stated: “The outstanding feature in library work in the schools of Vancouver today, is the complete absence of trained people who are qualified to do library work...”

Adding people and space… 1930—1939  By 1931 the budget for library materials had reached more than $6,000. By 1935, elementary schools had set aside space for a library, while some schools had book collections in a central area as well as classroom library corners. Secondary schools in Vancouver were beginning to appoint teacher-librarians.

By 1935 the budget for books and supplies had exceeded $8,000 and in 1936 was increased to more than $15,000.  The BC Council of Public Instruction was empowered in 1937 to expand the library grant to a total of $150 for larger school districts, with not more than $25 for each school therein. As of 1937, forty-one of the forty-nine elementary schools had a library space.

According to H. N. MacCorkindale’s Annual Report of the Superintendent of Schools for 1938, the library budget endeavored to be increased each year. During the former three year period, most schools and Parent Teacher Associations had made contributions for library extension, which resulted in the School Board matching the allotment if not exceeding it. Under a collaborative arrangement with the Vancouver Public Library, the School Board paid for a central book collection, staff and supplies, and a basic book collection for each school under direction of a librarian. The Vancouver Public Library supplied the space and facilities for their “Schools Department.”
By 1938 a teacher was in charge of libraries housed in separate rooms in nearly all elementary and secondary schools. Between 1938 and 1940 the Department of Education issued a library specialist’s certificate for teachers who took summer school courses at the University of British Columbia. The Annual Report of the Superintendent of Schools for 1938 states, “Our subject teachers in particular are beginning to realize that they must know the library of the school in order to make the most of the content for subject instruction...”.
By 1938 the Board was sponsoring in-service programs and short courses for its teacher-librarians.

Developing a system… 1939—1945

The years 1939 to 1944 saw the organization of the Vancouver School Board’s library system.
Hugh MacCorkindale, Superintendent of Schools, Owen Thomas, Inspector of Elementary Schools, and Edgar Robinson, Director of the Vancouver Public Library had the authority and the vision to put a plan into action. Each elementary school, under the director of a teacher-librarian, would have a permanent book collection of those titles basic to school library services. As well, a central collection housed at the Vancouver Public Library would be available, from which each elementary school could borrow on a per capita basis. A Book Selection Committee, including senior management, coordinators and teacher-librarians from both systems, was to provide a basic list from which books were to be ordered. This district collection added variety and strengthened individual school libraries.
The first supervisor of school libraries was also appointed.

The Schools Department of the Vancouver Public Library appointed a professional librarian to be responsible for the organizational and technical services for both the central book collection and the elementary schools’ library collection. The librarian was to coordinate the meetings of the various committees for the selection, ordering and organization of materials. The Vancouver School Board paid for the books, staff, and supplies while the Public Library provided the quarters and facilities.

The first Basic Book List for Vancouver Elementary School Libraries was issued in 1940, to serve as an official guide for ordering. There were 10,000 books catalogued for individual elementary school library collections.

As well, the first annual report of the Schools Department was submitted. There was a radio broadcast to tell about the aims of the school libraries and the operation of the district service, a presentation to the B.C. Teachers’ Federation annual convention, and articles in the B.C. Teacher and Pacific Northwest Library Quarterly.

By 1941, the increased reading experience was reflected in improved oral and written expression. 

From 1943, schools could send to the central office for classification, cataloguing and binding to ensure consistency and to free teacher-librarians from this technical function. Budgets were increased, up $500 in 1943, with additional grants of $250. The individual school librarians also raised funds for books equal to the School Board allowance.The first Handbook for School Librarians, a manual of library organization and procedures was completed. In addition, an annual short lecture series was started to explain standard procedures. Another official buying guide, the Primary List, was completely revised. In 1944, a full-time librarian was appointed to coordinate the district collection, 12,706 volumes were purchased and catalogued for the elementary school libraries, primary classroom libraries had over 5,000 booklets purchased within the past five years and a list of standard subjects for pictures and pamphlets was produced.

As in past years and on the request of the B.C. Teachers’ Federation, a display of new and recommended books was provided at the annual convention. It was noted that full school library service was conditional upon a trained school librarian, the principal, the staff, an adequate library timetable and the book budget and “... the greatest single factor in developing interest in books.....is accessibility.”

School libraries raised money to purchase over a thousand volumes to add to the collections, and there was new revenue from fees charged to the West Vancouver School Board for its use of the central book collection....Complete Article in the Bookmark

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